"Revolution in Yugoslavia", written by Partija Rada (Serbia). Source: Partija Rada
I – Founding and development of Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia was founded as a result of the historical aspirations of its nations for independence from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the Ottoman Empire. The pursuit of freedom and unification was especially pronounced in the 19th century with the national intelligentsia, which advocates the unification of all Balkan peoples. The national liberation of the Balkan peoples is intertwined with the interests of the great powers, that is, the interests of the bourgeoisie and the dynasties of the Balkan states, and it is followed by serious conflicts. This national liberation can not be viewed outside the struggle for social liberation.
The end of World War I led to political turmoil in the territory of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. The October Revolution and the revolution in Hungary had a special echo among the Yugoslav peoples.
Over 30,000 Yugoslavs took part in the October Revolution, and a Yugoslav army was formed in the Red Army.
On December 1, 1918, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was created. This was also in the interest of the victorious powers as a refuge against the revanchism of Italy and Hungary, and at the same time as a sanitary cordon against Bolshevism. Thus, instead of a republican, democratic structure, a monarchist and centralist state was created. Nobody could successfully resist this, because only Serbia had an organized army and police.
Slovenes and Croats immediately realized that they fell under power that was no better than the Austro-Hungarian authorities. Montenegrins and Macedonians were not recognized as a separate nation and simply considered them Serbs. Other nationalities did not have any rights.
In Croatia, Montenegro and Macedonia there was a growing dissatisfaction with the Greater Serbian oppression, the dissatisfaction that often got rebellious and separatist character.
II – The creation of the Communist party of Yugoslavia
The return of a large number of soldiers from Russia has accelerated the formation of the Communist Party. At the congress of unification in Belgrade in April 1919, the political transformation of socialists in the Communists takes place. The party was called the Socialist Workers' Party (Communists) of Yugoslavia.
In order to calm the turmoil in the countryside, the government began to implement a limited agrarian reform, while at the same time acting sharper against the communists. Censorship of the press is carried out, the police are given more powers, the number of gendarmes increases from 10 to 20 thousand. Workers on the overall situation react decisively to organize strikes and conflicts with the police. Workers are particularly opposed to intervention in Hungary to choke the revolution and intervention in Russia against Bolshevik authorities.
There is a rebellion and the rise of soldiers in Slovenia. At the same time, a railway workers' strike, involving 50,000 workers, began. The fighting continues despite the terrible repression. Miners take mines in Trbovlje. Demonstrations are taking place in Ljubljana. Police opened fire in Trbovlje and killed 13 and wounded 40 miners.
There is a riot of peasants in many places in Croatia.
By the decision of the Second Congress, held in Vukovar in 1920, the Socialist Labor Party (communist) changed its name to the Communist Party. One part of the centaurs, who were in reformist positions and did not believe in the possibility of a revolutionary armed struggle, left the Party and united with the Socialist Party of Yugoslavia, which was entirely on opportunist and anti-communist positions.
In the local elections in 1920, the Communist Party won the majority in many cities.
The government responded by dissolving municipal committees in Belgrade and Zagreb, without allowing the communists to form a local government.
In the elections for the Constitutional Assembly, KP is the third party in terms of the number of mandates won. The fear of the influence of the communist forces the regime to seduce white terror. In addition to the police, army and gendarmerie on the scene, there are also armed Fascist detachments.
At the end of 1920 in Bosnia, 20,000 miners went on strike. During the repression, 7 Hussein miners were killed.
In December 1920 the government adopted a Proclamation which prohibits any communist propaganda and ordered the closure of seats KP and the confiscation of its assets.
On 28 June 1921, the Assembly passed the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitution corresponds to the centralist demands of the Serbian bourgeoisie and was made with the consent of the Slovenian and Croatian bourgeoisie.
In August 1921, the State Protection Act was enacted. The Communist Party is forbidden.
As a reason for the ban, there was the bombing on the regent of Alexander and the assassination of the police minister by members of the Red Justice. Some members of the Party were disappointed that the Party leadership did not oppose the white terror, so they decided on individual resistance.
In an illegal and semi-illegal activity that will last until the beginning of World War II, the KP was not immediately prepared for illegal work and come a period of internal crisis. Hundreds of members were arrested, a large part emigrated, and some abandoned every activity.
Because of the ban KP, under another name popping up workers and trade union organizations.
The communist movement were present two streams – one sectarian, who went to the limits of anarchism, and other opportunistic, that went to liquidationism.
The right-wing, centrists, because of its opportunism, was excluded from the Party in 1920, but it did not eliminate the factional conflicts and the existence of these two currents in the Party.
The Third National Conference of the CPY, held in Belgrade in 1924, dealt with the definition of the national policy of the Party as an integral part of its revolutionary program. The Party Left has overestimated the revolutionary role of the civil parties and the possibility of creating a single front of the working class and peasantry, in cooperation with opposition civil parties, in resolving the national question with revolutionary actions. The party's right wing proceeded from the notion that there was no prospect of an outbreak of a revolution in the Balkans, warning that the nationalism of oppressed peoples was equally harmful for class struggle.
The conference acknowledged the views of the Comintern that the national question could be solved "only by the breakdown of capitalism through the open struggle of working people against the bourgeoisie and only through the struggle for the establishment of workers 'and peasants' governments." It was concluded that the right of oppressed peoples to secession can not be postponed until the victory of the proletariat over capitalism, but the Party, and under the bourgeoisie's authority, must fight the most fiercely for the realization of that right. Accepted the request of the Party of the Left Party in terms Bolshevization. The organizational question is understood as a political issue of vital importance for the party's action ability. It was concluded that the organization of an illegal personnel party, based on the principle of democratic centralism, is being built up by the formation of cells by enterprises, relying primarily on industrial work and paying particular attention to the systematic education of party personnel.
The Third KPY Congress, held in Vienna in 1926, confirmed the decisions of the Third National Conference and brought a new program and party statute.
In the period from 1926 to 1936. The Party refers to the Communist University of Moscow many of its cadres who later acquired a great contribution to the development of the Party.
Despite the apparent unity expressed at the Third Party Congress, the fractional struggle between left and right was continued. In 1928, the Executive Committee of the Comintern sent an Open Letter to members of the CPY in which they urged them to end the factional struggles and form the workers' leadership of the party.
In Dresden in 1928, the Fourth Congress of the Party was held. Of the 2,122 members of the Party, 26 delegates represented. A critique of right-wing opportunism was made, but it also pointed to mistakes in the leftist organizational work. It was decided that the leadership of the Party should be filled up by the workers and that the national composition should be taken into account. Đuro Đaković was elected secretary of the Party.
In January 1929, King Alexander announced a Sixth January dictatorship. The constitution was abolished and the National Assembly dissolved. The country gets the name Yugoslavia. The CPY did not manage this situation and tried to raise an armed uprising. That was wrong. The Secretary of the KPY Djuro Djakovic, the Secretary of the Red Helicopter Nikola Hećimovic, several members of the Central Committee and the seven secretaries of the SKOJ were killed. The Belgrade Prison “Glavnjača” at that time became a symbol of cruelty. From 1929-31. 82 trials were held before the special court. The party was actually broken and forced into even greater illegality.
The party begins to be rebuilt during 1931-1933. Especially active are the punitive party committees that have been created by the crusaders by the red universities where the cadres were educated.
In October 1934, King Alexander was killed in Marseilles.
From May 1935 to January 1936, 153 political killings were committed.
At the KPY Plenum held in Split in 1935, Party Secretary Blagoje Parović in his paper argues that Fascism is the main enemy of not only the working class, but also the supporters of democracy, advocating a unified anti-fascist struggle. (Blagoje Parović died in the Spanish civil war).
The Seventh Congress of the Comintern held in Moscow in 1935 was of utmost importance for the development of the communist movement in the world. It clearly defines fascism as the main and greatest danger to the revolutionary movement – "Fascism is the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary and the most shauvinist imperialist elements of financial capital." The decisions of the congress set the foundations of the politics of the national front.
In the period 1935-38. The Communist Party is even more refreshed and filled with new cadres. The sectarian closure is over, the work in the masses is intensified, new people are coming. At the same time, the new Comintern course that proclaims the politics of a single front in the struggle of the pontificate of fascism gives the new KP flight. The Party no longer wonders about the national question, which by then pushed all national movements into the service of foreign imperialists, but clearly emphasized the right of the people to self-determination and against the Greater Serbian dominance. Even the formation of autonomous parties by provinces within the KPY was going on.
Strikes and demonstrations, more and more organized and more massive, become regular occurrences, while conflicts with the police are getting tougher. The National Frontier Platform begins to deliver results. Only one in demonstrations in 1936 in Montenegro were killed 6, wounded 30 and arrested 100 demonstrators.
The KPY is very active in organizing the sending of volunteers to Spain to assist the Spanish Republic. One thousand seven hundred Yugoslavs participated in the fighting in Spain. Fighting in Spain killed 800 and wounded 300 Yugoslavs.
Before the war, KP is rapidly spreading membership. It has 6,500 members, while SKOJ (Young Communist League of Yugoslavia) has 17,800 members.
The Belgrade University, the University of Zagreb and the University of Ljubljana are becoming bastions of resistance to the regime. Of them, almost all manifestations and demonstrations against the regime are inspired. Conflicts with gendarmerie and fascist organizations are merciless and often end up with casualties, wounds and arrests.
The party is active in the peace movements of the youth, the women's movement, and especially in various humanitarian activities through the Red Aid. The powerful means in the hands of the Party is its Proleter newsletter, while provincial party organizations additionally published their local newsletters.
At The National Conference of the CPY, held in October 1940 in Zagreb, pointed out the danger of aggression against the country. Josip Broz Tito was elected Secretary General of the Party.
Twenty-sixth of March 1941 in Vienna, Yugoslavia joined the Tripartite Pact.
On March 27th, demonstrations across the country broke out against the entry of Yugoslavia into an alliance with fascist forces. In demonstrations, the KPY has a significant role. Carried out a coup in the country by the anglophile officers.
On April 6, 1941, Germany attacked Yugoslavia. Before capping powerful Fascist troops from all directions and torn apart by its opposites, Yugoslavia capitulated for twelve days.
The CPY decided that all its members should actively participate in the defense of the country.
King Peter II flew to London with government representatives.
Hitler started the crushing of Yugoslavia. The Germans were joined by northern Slovenia, Banat and Serbia. Italians – southern Slovenia, Dalmatia, Montenegro and Kosovo. Bulgarians – Macedonia and southern Serbia. In the territory of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, The Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was created – a quisling crew with leader Pavelić at the helm. The NDH is divided into two zones of influence – the German and Italian zones. In Serbia, a quisling regime led by General Milan Nedić was formed.
The Central Committee of the CPY secretly met in Zagreb on April 15 and issued a proclamation: "The People of Yugoslavia… You who fight and die in the struggle for your independence, know that this fight will be crowned with success, and now you are with a superior enemy and succumbed to in that fight. Do not cling to the spirit, tighten your ranks, expect the raised heads and the most severe blows. The Communists and the entire working class of Yugoslavia will persevere to the final victory, in the first lines of the national struggle against the conquerors … The free fraternity will be created on the genuine independence of all the peoples of Yugoslavia."
At that time, 4,000 new members were received in KP. Only Communists had a network of organizations all over the country. Everything else has disappeared and has fallen apart. In the first days of May, the CC (Central Committee) accelerated preparations for an armed struggle. He instructed his members to organize military committees. CC KPY also organized its military committee with Josip Broz Tito in command.
III – The start of organized resistance
While the angry terror of the occupation forces the land, an armed struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia begins, overcrowded in ten years of illegal work. The people are called to fight the fascist conquerors and their associates, regardless of national and religious differences. The Central Committee of the CPY asks members to mobilize everyone in the fight against the occupier: "mobilize all those who have shown themselves or will show themselves in the present conditions, as fearless and disciplined fighters."
The occupier immediately began to create quisling armies. In addition to the Ustashas and domobrans in Croatia, there were Nedić men, Ljotić men and their Chetnik detachments in Serbia, in Macedonia vmirovs, in Kosovo ballistics, in Montenegro Zelenashi, in Slovenia the White Guard…
The Ustashas immediately after the establishment of power began with the terror and persecution of the Serbian population, which caused massive forced migrations.
The spontaneous resistance of the people to the occupier and repression begins. This spontaneous popular resistance needed a leader who would respond to a historical task.
Communists everywhere establish military commands and collect weapons and medical supplies. Impact groups for diversions are formed, where returnees from the Spanish civil war played a particularly important role.
Hitler is preparing a Barbarossa plan to attack the Soviet Union, which is due to begin in May 1941, but the March events in Yugoslavia postponed that plan for June 22. In the moments when the Soviet Union was attacked, the KPY invited all the peoples of Yugoslavia to join the armed struggle.
On July 4, a decision was made in Belgrade to raise the uprising.
On July 7, a small armed group under the command of Spanish fighter Žikica Jovanović killed two gendarmes in Bela Crkva. It was the beginning of the struggle in Serbia.
On July 12, Montenegrin quislings declared the creation of an independent Montenegro. On July 13, a nationwide uprising broke out. In just a few days a large free area was created that surrounded the bigger cities in Montenegro.
On July 22, the first fighting took place in Slovenia.
On July 27, an attack on the Ustasha garrison was carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Drvar was released. On the same day, fighting started in Croatia.
The battle started in the cities. Thus, 20 German trucks were burned in Belgrade, some plants and roads were damaged. Ustasha units were attacked in Zagreb, where there were 28 dead.
Communists convicts, 32 of them, managed to escape tunnel dug from the prison in Sremska Mitrovica and hands on the Fruška Gora mountain.
In Croatia, the failure of the communists from the prison in Kerestinc was unsuccessful. Due to poorly organized escape from the KP, dozens of prisoners were killed, among which were the communists: August Cesarec, Ognjen Prica, Bozidar Adzija, Otokar Keršovani and others.
The uprising in Macedonia was delayed due to the wrong decisions of the Macedonian leadership of the KP and it broke out only on October 11th. Likewise, while the Albanian people in Albania in the Italian army saw the occupiers and began to fight it, the Albanian people in Kosovo, with the arrival of the Italian army, saw the possibility of their national liberation, so the movement slowly developed.
The Partisans were initially wearing their civilian suits or uniforms of an old army with a tricolour. Soon, they began to point out the revolutionary emblem on the hats – a red star.
One part of the representatives of the old regime went to emigration, the other part chose to wait, while the third was put into open collaboration, working with the enemy against the people.
After the occupation of the country, a part of the Yugoslav army did not seem to be capitulating and gathered around Colonel Draža Mihailović. Thus, Chetnik detachments began in Serbia and other parts of the Serbian population. The Chetnik movement's policy, although initially began to co-operate with Partisans, was to wait and condemn the Partisan adventures, as they thought the fighting was premature.
And the Partisan movement made mistakes that went hand in hand with the strengthening of the Chetnik movement. This was the case in Montenegro and Herzegovina when, immediately after the outbreak of the uprising began, the formation of the Soviets and the persecution of the kulaks began, which was used by the Chetniks and the separtiers to settle the communist movement. Soon KP condemned this policy, calling it a left mistake, but she had already caused damage to the movement.
In Slovenia, KP correctly set up its policy by creating a broad front of all patriots and thereby gaining mass support from the people.
By contrast, a relatively small number of Croatian domination parties decided to move to the partisans side, due to anti-communism. The Catholic Church in NDH fueled anti-Communist hatred, in addition to practice baptising Serbian population to Catholicism.
Very soon after the outbreak of the uprising, free territories were created. In Užice Republic, the Supreme Headquarters was established in Serbia. It lasted for 2 months. It contains the beginnings of a new social order. The normal life of the population was organized.
Germany begins repression in cities in Serbia: in Kragujevac, Niš, Kraljevo, Šabac. Thousands of people were killed in order to prevent the spread of the uprising and frighten the population. Dr. Turner, senior military adviser of the naval command in Serbia, wrote to Ribentrop in August 1941: "We used all means, we tried to persuade, we talked, we threatened, but it did not serve anything. In this country, the people do not recognize any power. All our efforts to calm the people in a constructive way and to separate it from the Communists have failed… The Communists managed to gather the majority of the people… Their positions in the forests are such that it is impossible to hit them in the heart. Nothing intensifies propaganda, showing that the Bolsheviks constantly suffer defeats on the front lines. I have the impression that even the news of the capitulation of the Soviet Union would not lead to the capitulation of these bandits, who are persistent as devils. Moreover, they have an excellent organization, which could serve as a classic example of the best secret organization."
A few weeks later, the German command in Yugoslavia received brutal orders of reprisals signed by Chief of Staff Vermouth Fieldmarshall Kaytell: "In order to stifle riots in the beginning, the most stringent measures should be taken without hesitation in order to maintain the authority of the occupying authorities and to prevent the spread of disorder. It should be kept in mind that human life in these parts is often not worth anything: that the effect of intimidation can be achieved with extreme cruelty. In retaliation for an assassinated German soldier in these cases should be applied as a general rule punishing the death of 50 to 100 communists. Penalties should be executed in death so as to cause the greatest possible terrifying effect ".
Immediately thereafter, 5 German divisions, with the cooperation of collaborators, take the offensive in Šumadija.
The Italians with 6 divisions made the Montenegrin insurgency in the defensive, with several thousand of rebels captured and interned in Italy.
IV – Strenghtening the movement
The first German offensive was aimed at destroying the free territory in western Serbia. In this operation, the Chetniks were involved for the first time on the side of the German army. It was after the failure of negotiations that took place between Mihailović and Tito about cooperation in the joint fight. In the unequal fight in the defense of the Užice Republic on Kadinjača, a workers' battalion disappeared. The Supreme Headquarters withdrew to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Of the units from Serbia and incoming units from Montenegro in Rudo On 21 December (on Stalin's birthday) formed First Proletarian Brigade. The formation of the proletarian brigades was of great importance. The goal of their struggle is clearly set – the liberation of all parts of the country. The brigades were made up of fighters of all nations and were not related to fighting in just one region. At the same time, these brigades were calling the army of the new society.
After the first offensive, the fascist occupier immediately took another offensive. The Partisan units were in a disadvantage, so they had to retreat under the fight. In abnormal winter conditions, at temperatures up to minus thirty degrees and with 4,500 fighters over 100 kilometers passed. After the Igman march many fighters died due to frostbite or lost limbs.
A free territory with a seat in Foča was created in the three-border region of Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. During the liberation of Foča and neighborhoods of the Partisan unit, thousands of bodies of Muslim mobs were slaughtered by the Chetniks. This was the goal of Draža Mihailović's policy, which was cheered by the Chetniks in accordance with the program "ethnically clean Greater Serbia".
In addition to the partisan's struggle to create a free territory, the organs of the new government are created – the liberation committees that carry out political and administrative affairs in the free territory. In February 1942, Foča regulations were adopted. These were methods for strengthening the National Liberation Committees that organized life in a free territory.
Although the Germans and the Italians often argued about the interests in the Balkans, whenever an offensive was to be organized, joint plans were prepared. Thus a joint plan for the destruction of the free territory on Kozara was created.
In the operation on Kozara, besides the Germans, Italians, Ustashas and Dobobran, there were also 2,000 Chetniks. Partisan units with about 500 wounded and 80,000 refugees were found in a ring. After fierce fighting, part of the Partisan forces broke through and arrived at Podgrmeč with 20,000 refugees. About 50,000 refugees who failed to break through were either killed or taken to concentration camps.
The arrival of partisan units in western Bosnia gives a new flight to the liberation movement. A free territory was created. The Sarajevo-Mostar railroad was cut down, which had strategic significance for the occupiers. There was a connection with the partisan movement of the Bosnian Krajina and Dalmatia.
The Italians took an offensive during July and August 1942 in Slovenia against the Liberation Front, but the movement managed to maintain it.
After Kozara, the Partisan movement was no longer isolated and, in military and political terms, operates synchronized. At the end of 1942, the movement numbered 150 thousand fighters deployed in 9 divisions. The enemy had a total of 800,000 soldiers.
During 1942, the Partisans were completely isolated in their struggle and did not get any help from anyone. In the military and political sense, this is the hardest year for the partisan movement.
The King and the refugee government in general support the Chetnik Movement of Draža Mihailović. He was proclaimed the leader of resistance in Yugoslavia. The Western allies (England, USA) share this view, although as early as the fall of 1941, the recruitment of Draža Mihailović with the occupier and his quisling creations in the fight against the main enemy – the partisans became increasingly apparent.
The National Liberation Committees emerged in the liberated territories into the true organs of the new government. They organized economic life, sowing and harvesting, regulated trade and exchange, conducted communal affairs, took care of socially vulnerable, organized health services and settled litigation. The particular role of the NOC is to encourage and organize cultural and educational life – school renewal, organization of analytical courses, establishment of cultural centers.
The first session of AVNOJ (the Anti-Fascist Council of People's Liberation of Yugoslavia) was held in November 26-27. 1942. in Drvar. This created the supreme civilian body of the liberation movement. The session was attended by 54 representatives of the people of Yugoslavia. It was actually the first parliament of the new government. AVNOJ chose its Executive Committee, a body that functioned as a government.
Hitler wanted to prevent any possible unloading of the allies into the Balkans, for which Churchill advocated. Stalin was constantly insisting on the opening of the other front to help fight the Soviet people and quickly defeat fascism. That is why Hitler prepared the Weiss plan for destroying the liberation movement before the Partisans were able to connect with allies. The operation began in the Bosnian Krajina in January 1943 with the considerable participation of Italian forces. It was the IV hostile offensive, or the Battle of Neretva. The Partisans had several thousand wounded men and were surrounded. They made a maneuver – first a strong blow to the units to the north, and then transferred their forces through the demolished bridge to Neretva. The transfer took 8 days. On the other side of the Neretva there were about 20,000 Chetniks. In a violent attack, the Partisan army completely broke Chetnik units. The order of the Supreme Staff was to condemn only the Chetniks responsible for the crimes, while the others were to be released into houses or transferred to partisan units.
In the report of the Commander for South East Europe, General von Ler, it stood: "The Partisans managed to break through Neretva and to retreat to the northern part of Montenegro to the last man … We could not capture any single man, nor did we seize anything. No partisan, no wounded was found, despite the fact that the Partisans, by the cost of our losses, also had to have great losses. "
However, Hitler immediately prepared the Weiss II plan or the Schwarz operation. He hired 120,000 Germans, Italians and Bulgarians. The Partisans were in a passive area, with 4,000 wounded and several thousand refugees. The Supreme Staff had 20,000 thousand fighters. Fascists managed to make three hoops around Partisan units. Despite the constant bombardment, the Partisans fiercely resisted. The third division with the Partisan hospital tried to break through, but failed. Most of the fighters in the proletarian Montenegrin brigade disappeared in the assassination. Commander of proletarian Montenegrin brigade, Sava Kovačević, was killed. Dalmatian brigades are simply decimated. At that time, the Supreme Staff was also the first English mission. During the bombing, one member of the mission was killed, and Tito was slightly wounded. In the battle of Sutjeska, the partisans had 8,500 thousand dead and missing. After the battle, Chetniks, who were rearmed, helped the Germans search the terrain, killing partisan fighters.
After the Battle of Sutjeska, there was confusion among partisan units. The Partisan movement was hit hard.
The fall of Italy in September 1943 led to a renewed and large influx of fighters into the Partisan movement. The Dalmatian population and the population in other parts of Yugoslavia were massively approaching partisan units. Many Italian soldiers joined the Partisans. The Gramsci Battalion and the Garibaldi Division were formed. With the fall of Italy, the war was strengthened by the Partisan movement with new fighters and a considerable amount of weapons. Data is new light on the partisan fight. The truth finally began to break through.
The enemy now has 630,000 soldiers in 36 divisions. The Germans had 24 divisions with 300,000 soldiers, Bulgarians 120,000, Hungarians 27,000, Ustashas and domobranates of 130,000, and they should add 45 Chetniks brigades. The Partisans numbered 300,000 fighters. They already had army corps and free zones.
The sixth hostile offensive was not guided by a concrete free territory, but it had more defensive character, i.e. the role of defending major communications and significant cities.
Free Yugoslavia, a radio station in Moscow, contributed significantly to the truth about the partisan's struggle. Since mid-1943, Western allies have changed their minds about the anti-fascist struggle in Yugoslavia and have started to appreciate the power of the Partisan movement. The British send a mission to the Main Partisan Headquarters and begin sending more and more help. This leads to turmoil in the government in exile.
V – Liberation of the country and the victory of revolution
At the Second Session of AVNOJ in Jajce on November 29, 1943, a decision was made to create a National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia, with the functions of the interim government. The draft of the Constitution on the organization of the future of Yugoslavia on a federal and democratic basis was approved, with the recognition of rights to all its peoples. So the new Yugoslav state was born. The AVNOJ session was attended by 142 delegates elected on democratic principles. Tito was awarded the rank of Marshal, and the king banned from returning to Yugoslavia. A commission for the determination of war crimes was established. It was decided that the organization of the future state would decide its nations after the war.
In October 1943, the English send Fitch McKill to Tito's talks. He prepares his encounter with Churchill. There is also Randolf's son, Churchill. Trying to find a compromise between Partisan and Chetniks. The Partisans refuse any kind of co-operation, but leave open the door for talks with the refugee government. They are seeking to be officially recognized.
In February 1944, the Soviet mission came. The US government continues to recognize Draža Mihajlović only.
Under the pressure of the English, the king appoints Ivan Šubašić to the helm of the government. Tito was negotiating with people who were not compromised.
The agreement was reached Tito-Šubašić and a new government was formed. This agreement did not depart from the essence of the decisions of the Second Session of AVNOJ, but some concessions were made by the Partisan Movement in order to receive recognition. The compromise would be dangerous if the Partisans did not hold 2/3 of the country in their own hands and that they did not have such power. By agreement, Churchill wanted to stiffen the revolutionary wave in order to make a gradual restoration in Yugoslavia later. Thus Churchill pressured Tito to meet with the king, which he refused.
In August 1944, in Italy, Tito and Churchill met. Tito rejected cooperation with Draža Mihailović and the possibility of landing a komnados on the Adriatic coast under the command of the government in London. At that time in Serbia, Draža Mihailović and the Quisling Government of Milan Nedić established a closer cooperation in order to act against the Partisans.
In October 1944, Tito was in Moscow. He gets weapons to equip 10 divisions, planes and grain. In Romania, he met with Marshal Tolbuchin for an agreement to start joint operations of the Red Army and the Partisan units in the liberation of Belgrade and other parts of Yugoslavia. Tito also met with representatives of the Patriotic Front of Bulgaria. Cooperation was agreed on the participation of Bulgarian troops in the liberation of Yugoslavia.
From October 10 to October 20, 1944, the Red Army and the Partisan units are moving into the liberation of Belgrade. After fierce fighting, the Supreme Headquarters is transferred to the liberated Belgrade.
In the liberated parts of the country, a new system of government is created. Solving the national question was properly raised. Fraternity-unity is the pillar of a new order. All peoples, besides their headquarters, had their anti-fascist councils as regional legislative and executive power.
The national courts and departments of the protection of the people (UN), the military-political police were formed. The factories were subdued to those who worked with the enemy. Expropriation expropriation was carried out, more like sanctions, and less as a class question. Many people were answerable to the national courts for war crimes and cooperation with the occupier. A number of criminals were shot, while others, due to their cooperation with the occupier, ended up in prisons.
The social content of the new government was given by young fighters – peasants and workers. Some concessions were made. The issue of collectivization of the country was not raised. The small land holding was allowed.
In October 1944, Stalin met with Churchill in Moscow to discuss political influence in Yugoslavia.
Soon the measures of legal confiscation of the assets of collaborators gained such an extent and character that they represented the expansion of the revolution in the economic sector. In 1945, the Partisan army numbered 800,000 soldiers. It was a regular army. In March 1945, it was named the Yugoslav Army.
At the Stalin-Cerchil-Roosevelt meeting in Jalta, a Tito-Šubašić agreement was approved, envisaging the formation of a single government.
The liberation of the country continued. To the western parts of Yugoslavia, 4 armies were moving.
The Quisling Heads followed the path of German forces to retreat.
Tens of thousands of Ustashas, Chetniks and other associates of the occupiers were fleeing from Yugoslavia in the West. They wanted to surrender to allies in order to avoid partisan reprisals. Allies returned a certain number back to Yugoslavia. Then the Partisan units carried out mass executions of Ustashas and Chetniks.
Yugoslavia was finally liberated on May 15, 1945.
There is no precise data on the number of victims in the territory of Yugoslavia. Research shows that there are about one million dead and missing. Partisan losses were huge – over 200,000 dead and about 400,000 wounded.
AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia) was constituted as the Provisional National Assembly with the task of preparing the Constituent Assembly. Yields on the Law on Confiscation of Reich and persons of German nationality and foreigners who collaborated with the occupiers.
The state puts the banking system under control. Gradually began to abolish private ownership of large and medium-sized enterprises.
In August 1945, the National Assembly passed the Law on Agricultural Reform. Landless emblems over 30 hectares are confiscated, as well as 10 hectares of church property. The country is divided into peoples. Carried out a monetary reform that has been affected by speculators.
In November 1945 elections for the Constitutional Assembly were held. Representatives of the bourgeois parties did not have any chance of measuring the forces with the People's Front. Numerously weak and without the support of the base, the bourgeois parties suffered a persistent defeat. The list of People's Front received 96% of votes.
On November 29, 1945, the National Assembly proclaimed the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia was a federal union of six equal republics.
The new Constitution, adopted in January 1946, definitely sanctioned a new system of popular democracy. The constitution contained the prerequisites for a new socialist order. The Law on Nationalization in 1946 abolished the last remnants of capitalist property and the position that foreign capital previously had in Yugoslavia.
The Chetnik and Ustasha bands tried to continue their operation, but they were liquidated. Draža Mihajlović was caught and a public trial was organized. He was sentenced to death with several close associates, while his other associates were sentenced to a time penalty. Collaborator Leon Rupnik was sentenced to death in Slovenia. He was also tried on behalf of the Commander for Southern Europe Field Marshal Lehr. He was sentenced to death. Milan Nedić was extradited by the Allies and, before being tried for collaboration, he committed suicide in prison. Many criminals and collaborators of the occupiers escaped punishment from emigration continued to work against the new government.
Conclusion:
Partisan movement in Yugoslavia, despite the occupation, mass repression, would not have been possible without the two decades of fighting the CPY and its construction as a revolutionary organization. The KPY showed in its crucial moments this historical decision as no other communist party in Europe. But the Partisan movement could not itself execute the liberation of the country so that the failure of fascism did not take place on a wider scale.
The Partisan movement was supported by all Yugoslav nations because it represented the true force that fought against the occupiers, for the liberation of the country, and which in essence correctly set the solution of the two basic problems of Yugoslav society: the solution of the national question by building a community of equal peoples and social issues, in the first the peasant's order, creating a society without hire work. In the partisan movement, peasants saw the opportunity to free themselves from feudal lucrative relations, while workers saw the struggle for the equitable welfare society. Parts of the intelligence supported the movement because they were on the side of anti-Fascism. Women are massively supported the partisan movement because they saw in it a way of liberation from patriarchal chains.
The Partisan Movement led a national-liberation war as its primary task. At the same time, with the liberation of the country from the occupiers, conditions have been created for the implementation of the socialist revolution. Both goals were achieved with the terrible sacrifices and efforts of all Yugoslav peoples.